Security and Defence

In the 16 months since the Brexit vote, European Commission figures have certainly hinted towards ever-closer security and defence union after the UK leaves. But advances towards such integration are still in the very early stages.

RealClear Defense has published HSC senior fellow Rowan Allport's call for the US to adopt a Aegis-based homeland missile defence system as part of its strategy for defeating the threat from cruise and ballistic missiles.

As Britain comes to grips with a series of (largely self-inflicted) political traumas, the country’s security focus is becoming increasingly rationalised around its NATO commitments. Whilst they were conceived of in a different era, the Queen Elizabeth-class have the potential – if properly supported – to greatly aid this mission.

The US, Japan, and South Korea would greatly benefit from Washington, Tokyo, and Seoul taking a more direct approach to constraining Pyongyang. Only by relying less on Beijing can progress hoped to be made in forcing policy changes in North Korea.

China’s announced increase in its defense budget for 2017, only seven percent growth compared to double-digit increases over much of the last two decades, attests to the shifting landscape in Chinese defense strategy and force structure. It also reflects the domestic challenges the country faces.

That there is a need to rebuild the US Navy is disputed by few in the mainstream. Initially at least, readiness needs to be prioritised by beginning to clear the many years of deferred maintenance that have undermined the fleet. But in the longer run, building up both numbers and capabilities matter.

United States strategic bombing during the Korean War was a major factor in repeatedly checking communist advances. However, since the armistice, North Korea has assiduously incorporated rhetoric about the use of airpower in its anti-South Korean and anti-US propaganda.

The Western Balkans know that, in the long-term, they have more to gain from the West than the East – and the European Union’s continuous stalling leaves a void that needs to be filled. Stronger engagement with and on the part of NATO, regardless of how far it goes, will bring nothing but benefits to both sides and Europe as a whole.

In the years since the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, pursuing Gray Zone activities has lost its luster in the US. However, examining assistance to the Mujahedeen in Afghanistan during the 1980s can provide lessons for Washington policymakers as they confront contemporary challenges.

Over the past fifty years, the United States has increasingly focused on missile defense to deter threats against its strategic interests and those of its partners. Unfortunately, the acquisition and planning emphasis on defensive systems has resulted in a loss of attention to offensive capabilities.